Abstract: The house names in Gyalrong Tibetan area perform a social function similar to that of surnames in distinguishing people with the same names. Unlike Chinese surnames, house names reflect the specific connection between people and specific houses rather than their specific patrilineal ancestors. Behind the apparent local appearance presented by the naming rule and the semantic association between house names is the political management technique of the feudal superior ("Tusi"). The house name system distributes the mandatory obligation of grain tax and drafted labor within house units. This grants each household incomplete right that combined subsistence needs and the symbolic capital. The house name system also designates subordinate people to a specific community, land, and house for the political purpose of "separate and rule". In this respect, the house name system acts like a local domicile system ("Hukou") originated from the feudal hierarchical society ruled by the chieftain "Tusi".
However, on the other hand, the assemblage of blood-relations across house units retains the "pre-feudal" tradition of mutual assistance in Maine's sense, allowing the practice of marriage and succession from one generation to the next to potentially converge the divisions exacerbated by chieftains, so that the family can achieve old-age support and young-age dependence through mutual assistance. Following the rules of obtaining and changing of the house name is to a large extent the habit of participating in the construction of political norms under the feudal hierarchy. Therefore, the house name system is neither a continuous replication of the "ideal model" of the kinship system, nor does it necessarily cause complete destruction of the kinship system, but makes a great use of the customs based on the principle of cognatic descent succession and "no marriage in the same house", to serve the political purpose of controlling the migration of the population, managing grain taxation and military forces. The dialectical tension intertwining the two forces of political-governance logic and kinship-mutuality practices around the house can provide us with a new perspective for understanding the relationship between people and their houses.

Key words: house, house name, political management, cognatic kinship, mutual support