社会杂志 ›› 2023, Vol. 43 ›› Issue (2): 54-95.

• 专题二:观念与制度的近代转型 • 上一篇    下一篇

工业遗产与地缘政治中的“东北接收”(1945—1948年)——对国共两党组织体制的比较分析

解鸿宇   

  • 发布日期:2023-05-06
  • 作者简介:解鸿宇,北京大学社会学系,E-mail: xiehongyu1567@163.com

The “Takeover” of Northeast China in the Industrial Heritage and Geopolitics (1945-1948): A Comparative Analysis of the Organizational Systems of the KMT and the CPC

XIE Hongyu   

  • Published:2023-05-06

摘要: 本文从国共两党对战后东北接收方案的比较入手,通过考察双方对区域工业遗产作出回应的具体策略及过程,揭示两党在接收中的不同组织困境以及各自的克服之策。复员和动员分别是国共两党在各自区域内的基本组织逻辑,而“条”“块”间的冲突与“统”“分”间的张力则是二者分别面对的结构性困难。在美苏对抗的地缘政治格局下,国民党坚守城市和铁路线,以技术官僚为主体的接收要员发挥空间受限;中共虽退居农村开展土地改革,但能接续既往的根据地建设经验,并促发军政和财经干部在组织上的创新。对东北的接收方案的差异既是两党利用组织原则应对地缘政治和区域制度遗产的体现,更折射出各自建国方略上的差别。从组织体制上来说,东北的接收恰恰是中国国家建设在20世纪中叶的转折点,其所激发出的政党在组织上的创制提供了由战时走向建政的组织上的转化机制。

关键词: 组织体制, 战后接收, 东北地区, 工业遗产, 地缘政治

Abstract: The post-war takeover of colonies is a contemporary issue of new nation building brought about by the two world wars in the 20th century. After the Japanese occupation, Northeast China became the focus of competition between the KMT and the CPC because of its industrial importance. This article provides a comparative study of these two parties’s takeover plans for the post-war Northeast China. By examining the specific strategies and processes of the two parties’ responses to the regional industrial heritage, it reveals different organizational difficulties and their respective strategies to overcome them. The study finds that the KMT and the CPC were unable to implement their takeover plans at the beginning. The involvement of the United States and the Soviet Union in the Northeast China affairs, as well as the urban-rural structural divide dictated by the railway network left by the Japanese occupation, interfered with as well as restricted the action of the KMT and the CPC. Specifically, at the time mobilization was the basic organizational logics of the CPC while in contrast demobilization was the basic organizational logics of the KMT. The conflict between tiao and kuai and the tension between “unification” and “division” were the structural difficulties the two parties were facing respectively. Under the geopolitical tension between the United States and the Soviet Union, the KMT was confined to metropolis and railway lines and the technocrats responsible for takeover had very limited room for action. What’s more, the competition between military operations and resumption of work and production caused the self-destruction of KMT’s takeover. However, although the CPC was forced to retreat to the countryside, it was able to carry on its experience in the Soviet bases and promote the organizational innovation of military, political and economic cadres in the process of unifying finance and returning to the cities, resulting in its organizational self-strengthening. This article points out that the difference in the takeover plans of the Northeast China reflects the differences in the overall strategies of the two parties, as well as the two parties’ respective use of organizational principles in dealing with geopolitics and the regional legacy. The takeover of the Northeast China, in terms of organizational regime, was precisely the turning point of China’s national construction in the middle of the 20th century, and the organizational creation inspired by it provided the CPC with an organizational transformation mechanism from wartime to normalization. Therefore, the CPC was able to smoothly transit to the construction of the Northeast region immediately after its military victory.

Key words: organizational regime, takeover, Northeast China, industrial heritage, geopolitics