2014 Vol.34

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Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 1-032.   Abstract （130）            Knowledge map    Save Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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The Essence of Trust and Its Culture ZHAI Xuewei Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 1-26.   Abstract （4425）      PDF（pc） （870KB）（2607）       Knowledge map    Save With more attention to the study of trust, interpreting trust in different disciplines and sciences is becoming increasingly complex, so is the controversy about it. One of the most concerned issues is the tendency of researchers to divide trust into two kinds: special trust and universal trust. The advantage of such a division is for classification so that institutions and relations, and cultures and cultural differences can be conducted empirically. However, this paper contends otherwise. The author returns to common sense and cultural backgrounds to discuss trust, suggesting that trust can be divided into trust without or with constraint mechanisms based on its expressed characteristics. Such classification can reveal cultural differences in the expression of trust which may lead to trust zone shifting in social practices. In the Chinese culture, trust is formed in the intermediate zone when suspiciousness rises in social interaction. According to the degree of suspiciousness, the trust zone can be further subdivided into ease relations, trust relations, and notrust relations. These features are evidenced in Confucian discourses and the characteristics of Chinese human relations. The author holds that this classification originates in the structural biases of trust relations coming from the assumptions of human nature and its social dependence in the Chinese and Western cultures: the former is biased toward the socialnetwork control and the latter towards institutional constraints. But in either way, the essence of trust is spacetime maintenance of the object upon whom one is dependent when social members are facing heightened social uncertainty and complexity. If this comparative research framework is used to reprocess previous studies on China’s social trust controversy and perplex, including particularism and universalism, more reasonable explanations could be found for many aspects. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(13)

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On the Generation of Power of the Powerless：Taking a Social Movement in Hong Kong as a Case XIA Xunxiang, CHEN Jianmin Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 27-51.   Abstract （4995）      PDF（pc） （912KB）（1788）       Knowledge map    Save By definition, power is relational, so studies of power should concern with the object of power, i.e., the powerless people. In practice, power is characterized as a process, meaning that it is a process in which power structure is keeping changing. So, these two properties make legitimacy an inherent demand of power. According to known research, we think that power is generative, i.e., to obtain power is a dynamic process in which power can be generative and accumulative. From the perspective of the powerless, the powerless can take effective actions to generate “power of the powerless”. Because of the appropriation of their buildings by the government, residents in Leetung Street have launched a social movement that has sustained the longest duration of protest, elicited the largest reaction, and demonstrated the strongest influence among social movement in recent Hong Kong history. As an organization of the powerless, H15 Concern Group has gathered and mobilized diverse action takers and networks to engage in civil, constructive protest. It has become a highly influential social organization, demonstrating that ordinary people can be a powerful force of production in city planning and renewing. In response, the government has also made some efforts and improvements in the administration and governance ideas. This movement has demonstrated that ordinary people are able to produce “power of the powerless”. The process of power’s generation and growth can, to some extent, change the original structure of power relationship in certain contexts and result in social changes. The analysis of the key elements of power generation and the demonstration of this process in Hong Kong reexplain the concept of power, and are helpful for us to understand and improve the public politics in the cities of mainland China. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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From the Marginal to the Mainstream: Collective Action Frames and Cultural Context XIA Ying Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 52-74.   Abstract （2823）      PDF（pc） （772KB）（1165）       Knowledge map    Save How do cultural contexts affect the formation and development of mobilizing frames in collective actions? Will a successful mobilizing frame have an impact on the cultural contexts? This paper tries to answer these questions. To understand the specific mechanisms of cultural contextual influences on the designation and adjustment of mobilizing frames, the “AntiXRL” movement in Hong Kong was selected in the paper as it had gone through significant frame changes. In the two stages of the movement, two mobilizing frames were used, each with different “resource” elements from its respective cultural contexts, which led to different mobilizing outcomes. The findings indicated that the frame changes originated from the social movement leaders’ strategic selection, reflecting the subtle relationships between the mobilizing frames and the macrocultural contexts in which the movement was embedded. More specifically, the mobilizing frame during the first stage utilized the marginal values of the cultural context but the outcome was not good. During the second stage, the leaders made strategic adjustments of the mobilizing frame, moving it closer to the mainstream values in the cultural context, which led to a breakthrough. When the mobilization became successful, the social movement leaders brought the marginal values back into the mobilizing frame. With the movement expanding, so did the marginal values and they even remained influential after the movement was over and restored the original cultural context. In addition, the competition between the mobilizing frame and other “countermovement” frames manifested the cultural contextual impact on the framing of the social movement. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(3)

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The Logic of Emotion in Mass Disturbances：Based on an Analysis of the Case of DH Event and Its Extensions CHEN Qi, WU Yi Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 75-103.   Abstract （3035）      PDF（pc） （921KB）（1570）       Knowledge map    Save  The emotional perspective is an important one to understand mass disturbances in present China. Taking the DH Event as a principal case and with this case extended to other mass disturbances, the current paper analyzes and extracts the general logic of emotion in current Chinese mass disturbances. The pervading discontent and the dissatisfaction with the moral construction among the masses caused by systemrelated obstacles in opinion expression have made emotion the most important mechanism determining the occurrence, development and evolution of mass disturbances. Emotion, as the basic logic supportive of mass disturbances, performs mainly in two ways: emotion release and emotion management, as the two sides of one coin, a mode characteristic of the emotional expression among the general public. The former aims at the peripheral and marginal part of power while the latter determines the process of mass disturbances as a routine factor. What should be emphasized especially is the performance of emotion as a part of emotion management. It is a core factor in understanding the peculiarity of expression of emotion in mass disturbances, and makes the emotion management in Chinese mass disturbances quite different from that in other social movements in the past. This is macroscopically due to the asymmetric statesociety relationship. If there is no change of this structure, it is unlikely for current mass disturbances to turn into social movements in the conventional sense. And they will only occur periodically in the complex interaction of modernity and tradition as a special kind of response to social conflicts during the transition in China as weaker groups. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Engaging in and Responding to Disputes by Chinese Urban Residents as a Function of Power XIAO Yang, FAN Xiaoguang, LEI Ming Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 104-119.   Abstract （2036）      PDF（pc） （605KB）（1002）       Knowledge map    Save One important area in Sociology is civil disputes. With frequent social conflicts and a large number of civil disputes in current China, it is theoretically and practically meaningful to identify their mechanisms. Based on the existing research on civil disputes, this paper takes “power” as a core concept and proposes a theoretical framework of “power’s mandatory and transitive mechanisms” from the perspectives of status structure and network structure to analyze the impact of the power from the individual’s ego and the power from his/her social network on the involvement and responses in civil disputes. An analysis of the relevant variables in the Chinese General Social Survey 2006 (CGSS2006) showed the following results: Firstly, both individual’s ego power and social network power helped avoiding social disputes; and secondly, with either the ego power or the social network power, those with more power resources were the ones who were more likely to use formal channels to deal with disputes. This study has demonstrated that using power as a core concept in a theoretical perspective to decipher the involvement and responses in civil disputes is feasible. For urban residents, the process of engaging in the disputes and dealing with them is a process of power functioning in its full force. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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The Impact Model of Rural Migrant Workers’ Desire to Defend Rights：A Questionnaire Survey in the Yangtze River Delta ZHENG Weidong Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 120-147.   Abstract （3722）      PDF（pc） （809KB）（1285）       Knowledge map    Save Current research on the rights of rural migrant workers has failed to give due attention to their attitudes toward rights protection. Moreover, neither the quiet changes in the scale and structure of rural migrant workers nor the relations between current employerworker conflicts and laborers’ mass incidents have received indepth discussion. Based on the survey data gathered in the Yangtze River Delta, this paper summarizes the Impact Model of rural migrant workers’ desire to defend their rights on three dimensionscohort, work experience and work unit feature. Here are the findings: (1) Cohort was an important factor affecting the rural migrant workers’ desire to defend labor rights. The rightsdefending desire gradually got stronger from earlier cohorts (before 1969) to the 1990 cohort. (2) Legal awareness affected significantly the workers’ desire towards rights protection. (3) Variables related to work experience, such as frequency of changing jobs and successful experience of defending rights had no significant effects; the only exception was job position. (4) Contradictory to the finding of work unit feature being an insignificant factor in most studies, this study found it significant. (5) To some extent, the level of institutionalization of work unit management could explain how the unit feature worked, i.e., the more advanced the institutionalization of the unit management, the stronger desire to defend labor rights. An indepth analysis discovered that, in addition to the influences from the work unit and the state institutional contexts, rural migrant workers’ desire to defend rights was a function of three internal forces in integration, i.e., emotion, human capital and social experience. Among all, education, legal awareness and job position were important factors that affected migrant workers’ rightsdefending desire significantly. In accordance to the reality of China’s rapid economic and social development, rural migrant workers’ awareness of rights protection will continue to improve, and this may create pressure on the existing labor rights system. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Resource Governance at the Grassroots under Change and Performance Outcomes：An Analysis of the Illegal TaxEvasion Land in River Village in Southwestern Hubei Province DI Jinhua, ZHONG Zhangbao Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 148-174.   Abstract （2286）      PDF（pc） （883KB）（1117）       Knowledge map    Save Based on the empirical data of River Village, southwestern Hubei province and with a focus on the appearance and development of the illegal taxevasion farmland in River Village, this paper reports a study on how a village governed resources and dealt with changes. The authors analyzed the distribution and use of such important resources under governance like illegal farmland within the village, explained the formation, distribution, and the influence of such illegal farmland in interaction with the changes in farmers’ views of fairness on village governance, and discussed the internal governance logic at the village level. Illegal taxevasion farmland was a result from multiple factors including the space for rural social practices due to bureaucracy, the resources available to farmers’ selfexistential development, and the need of the village cadres for dispute mediation and resolution among the relationships within the village. The presence and distribution of the illegal taxevasion farmland manifested the protection of the grassroots government of the villagers as well as its exchanges with them when the state power is limited there, and at the same time, the ethical principles in grassroots governance. The township government pretended to be blind to the existence of the illegal taxevasion farmland in village, thus giving some autonomy to the village cadres for action using the land as a governing means in the absence of other types of valueadded governance means. Illegal land could be continuously reproduced and distributed in this process. In the governing practice of making the illegal land become a common collectively owned by the village representatives, its profits were shared by all community members. The property ownership of this type of resources strengthened the community identity and the status of the community, as well. When the ownership of illegal farmland was privatized, it benefitted the individual farmers more but eroded the shared value in the community. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Family Background, Educational Expectation and College Degree Attainment: An Empirical Study Based on Shanghai Survey WANG Fuqin, SHI Yiwen Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 175-195.   Abstract （4520）      PDF（pc） （894KB）（1956）       Knowledge map    Save The classical BlauDuncan status attainment model found that the advantage of family background was reproduced through children’s education but it did not give much detail to the intermediate mechanisms in the intergenerational transmission. Previous domestic studies considered school tracking, cultural capitals and social capitals being the mechanisms to explain the intergenerational transmission. The present study, according to the viewpoints of Wisconsin Educational Attainment Model, brought in college degree expectation/aspiration as the mediating variable between family background and children’s college education attainment. The analysis of the data from “Shanghai Residents Family Life Status Survey” (N=1181) in year 2010 found that those who had strong expectations for a college degree when they were young got significantly more opportunities to enter college, and furthermore, that the development of individuals’ expectations for higher education was related to their family backgrounds and parents’ expectations. Educational expectation played a role in intergenerational advantage status transmission as an intermediate mechanism that mediated the impact of family backgrounds on educational attainment. This mechanism was expressed during the process of children receiving education. The higher the socioeconomic status, the stronger expectations the parents would have for their children to get into college. This was particularly true of the parents who had received higher education themselves. They were able to provide their children with abundant and useful information about college life and learning, to engage more in their children’s learning, and to create more supportive conditions. All these advantages helped children maintain and realize their expectation of a college degree. Driven by the educational expectation for college, the individuals worked harder in the learning process in order to achieve the ambition of higher education, which led to increased likelihood to be admitted to college, and eventually, to the realization of the intergenerational transmission. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Research on Survey Quality: Evaluation of the Representativeness of Survey Responses REN Liying, QIU Zeqi, DING Hua, YAN Jie Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 196-214.   Abstract （2364）      PDF（pc） （548KB）（1026）       Knowledge map    Save As nonresponses in surveys have increasingly become more common in recent years, the representativeness of survey responses has called attention from survey researchers. Response rate is commonly used as an indicator of survey quality. However, theoretically and empirically there is not necessarily a direct link between response rates and nonresponse biases. So how to get alternative indicators of response representativeness has become a focus in research.After reviewing multiple measures of assessing response representativeness, we consider that Rindicator is the most promising compared with others. Regarding its construction, Rindicator is guided by sound theories, based on rich sampleframe data and paradata, and can be obtained by relatively simple algorithm. Regarding its application, Rindicator can be used for comparing different surveys with the same target population, different waves of a panel survey, or times of measurement in different stages of the same survey.This article introduces the definition of the concept of Rindicator, its computation, composition and limitations. Rindicator was applied to the evaluation of the representativeness of the survey responses in the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), 2010. We divided the whole fieldwork process into three stages and computed the Rindicator, Maximal Absolute Bias, and partial Rindicators for each stage. The analysis of these indicators led to a discovery that the samples were over or underrepresented in the areas with variations in community attributes, economic development, population density, nonagricultural population ratio, and support from community commissions. Moreover, the seriousness of these problems changed as the survey went on. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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YING Xing Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 215-228.   Abstract （7941）      PDF（pc） （702KB）（1405）       Knowledge map    Save Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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ZHANG Yueran, GAO Bai Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (1): 229-241.   Abstract （4271）      PDF（pc） （564KB）（1402）       Knowledge map    Save Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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The China Family Panel Studies: Design and Practice XIE Yu，HU Jingwei，ZHANG Chunni Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 1-32.   Abstract （7138）      PDF（pc） （1452KB）（1825）       Knowledge map    Save The China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), launched by Peking University, is a nationwide, comprehensive, longitudinal social survey. The project aims to document historically unprecedented social changes that are currently taking place in China in different domains by repeatedly collecting information from a sample of individuals, households, and communities over an extended period. In order to help researchers better understand the CFPS project and its data, this article describes the background and characteristics of the CFPS in four aspects. In research design, the CFPS adopts multiplelevel questionnaires and a panel design to track changes in individuals and households so as to allow researchers to study heterogeneity, embeddedness, complexity, and timedependency of social phenomena. In implementation, it uses multistage, implicit stratification, and probability proportion to size sampling methods with a sampling frame that integrates rural and urban populations to obtain a nationally representative sample. To assure data quality, the CFPS uses advanced computerassisted personal interviewing (CAPI) techniques in its fieldwork. By now, the 2010 baseline survey, the 2011 smallscale followup survey for maintenance, and the 2012 fullscale followup survey have been completed. All followup strategies have met many research needs but remained practical. In  contents, the CFPS learned from the methods and experiences from the most influential survey projects in the world. The questionnaires not only cover a wide range of topics but also consist of intergraded modules for rural and urban interviews and gathering information of family structure and family members, migrant mobility, event history (e.g., history of marriage, education, and employment), cognitive ability, and child development. Finally,we present preliminary findings about income inequality and poverty, marital events and cohabitation, and cognitive ability based on the 2010 and 2012 CFPS data, as demonstrations of the CFPS’s potentials for social science, owing to its strengths in research design and topical contents. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(79)

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The Myth of Matriarchy: A Genealogy of Western Matriarchal Thought (I) WU Fei Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 33-59.   Abstract （4314）      PDF（pc） （765KB）（2519）       Knowledge map    Save This is the first part of “The Genealogy of Western Matriarchal Thought”. After Bachofen published his book on matriarchy in 1861 (refer to the second part of this article for the discussion of Bachofen), matriarchy soon became a hot topic among anthropologists in the late 19th century and also made a great impact on Chinese academia in the 20th century. But by the beginning of the 20th century, most anthropologists in the West had already discarded the idea of matriarchy. This paper is not intended to introduce or repeat the debate over matriarchy in the Western academia; instead, it is to clarify the real thoughts of these thinkers in the 19th century and trace the intellectual origin of matriarchy. The first part of the paper outlines the matriarchal and matrilineal thoughts among several major anthropologists in the 19th century. Beginning with the discussion of patriarchy by Sir Maine and Coulange, the author describes how McLennan, Morgan and Engels raised the issue of matriarchy as a response and an extension to the idea of patriarchy in classical studies. All of them believed that there had existed a matriarchal period because they thought that it was more difficult to identify one’s father than one’s mother, and therefore there should have been a period in which people knew only their mothers but not their fathers. Patriarchy evolved in only at a later time. To reason, they all contended that there had been an entirely promiscuous period, a state that was most natural. Human beings first entered the matriarchal period and then the patriarchal period, a development from being natural to being civilized. Hence these thinkers all saw matriarchy as a more primitive stage closer to nature and patriarchy as a more civilized stage marked by inequality. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(6)

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A Genealogical Study of the Publicness in Mental Health: A History of AntiPsychiatry and Its Implications Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 60-93.   Abstract （3050）      PDF（pc） （947KB）（1712）       Knowledge map    Save The author of the present thesis attempts to explore the implications of the Antipsychiatry Movement and its practice since 1950, as regards the publicness and its realization of mental health in the modern society, and elaborate the historical motivation for the aforementioned publicness. Through the evaluation of the social and political background of the Minority Groups’struggle for Civil Rights in the 1950s, a review has been initiated of the publicness of mental health in the context of AntiPsychiatry Movement, which as against the traditional psychiatric crisis, treats patients of mental disorder as subjects in the psychiatric sphere. In other words, when the traditional psychiatry leads to nowhere, the criticism of“total institution”and the Labeling Theory has become the driving force of Deinstitutionalization. The Groupe Information Asiles (GIA) as the voluntary grassroots organization has revolutionized the social care in respect of mental disorder. In Italy, Basaglia’s mental health reform has rehabilitated and released the inmates from the institutions, and thus has ensured their rights of citizenship through the Basaglia Law as well as the disestablishment of psychiatric hospitals. It follows that the historical facts in review would facilitate the construal of the publicness of mental health, including the openness of the mental health service provided with the promotion of public participation as well as the establishment of legal perimeters for mental health, among which, however, the most urgent task is to ensure the inmates as subjects through the maintenance of civic spirit and values. The author concludes with a reinterpretation of the objectives and value orientation of the publicness of mental health, the public participation into the reform of mental health system, and the historical process of the progressive in human rights and legislative reform. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Street, Behavior, Art: Advocating Gender Rights and the Innovation of a Social Movement Repertoire WEI Wei Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 94-117.   Abstract （4832）      PDF（pc） （875KB）（2190）       Knowledge map    Save In media, the year of 2012 has been named as the “the First Year of Chinese Feminist Activism”. Through closely examining the widely influential genderrelated media events such as “occupying men’s washroom”,“the blooded brides”,“antisexual harassment in Shanghai Metro”, and “bareheaded sisters protesting against gender discrimination in college admission”, this paper documents and analyzes the rise and development of the “street behavioral art” as a new contentious action repertoire in current Chinese society. Contrast to the flourishing literature on contentious politics in recent years, there is a visible gap in the study of social movement repertoires in China. In order to fill in the gap, the current research used indepth interviews and document analysis to collect data from the individuals and organizations that had been participating in today’s Chinese feminist activities. There were three major research questions: (1) How had the street behavioral art evolved into a novel contentious repertoire through the interactions between social movements and the state? (2) How did the three key components of this repertoire each contribute to the success of contentious actions respectively? (3) How should we evaluate the impact of the street behavioral art as a contentious repertoire? In order to answer these questions, the article first reviews the current theoretical perspectives and related studies in this field, and then gives a brief presentation of the background of the political contention in contemporary China for the emergence of the street behavioral art. Using the empirical data from street activism for gender equality, the paper then focuses on analyzing the three key components of this contentious repertoire—street, behavior, and art—by looking at how they each had contributed to the success of this contentious action repertoire, respectively. The rise of the street behavioral art has to be placed in the context where the globalization of social movements (particularly, the flow of social movement discourses and tactics) interact with the reality of contemporary Chinese society (opportunities and constraints) for an examination. As social movements have to face many institutional constraints, activists have to be quite creative in order to make their voices heard and their concerns understood by both the authorities and the public. The street behavioral art proves to be an effective strategy to reach that goal. Its success can be attributed to the combination of public location, artistic expression and organized actions. “Art” serves the objective of going onto the street;“street” is to expand the influences and effects of the “behavior/action”. In the conclusion, the author discusses the impacts of the street behavioral art for pushing social movement’s agenda in terms of policy advocacy, participation mobilization and cultural change. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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House Purchasing: Housing Stratification and SelfSelected Mobility in Institutional Transition MAO Xiao-Beng Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 118-139.   Abstract （2325）      PDF（pc） （754KB）（1377）       Knowledge map    Save The literature on housing stratification has ignored the effect of selfselection on housing stratification when residents face changes in the opportunity structure triggered by the housing reform. An analysis of the data from a questionnaire survey of over 1,000 households conducted in Guangzhou in2010 using the Endogeneity Switching Regression Model found the effect of selfselection in the housing stratification mechanisms during the process of marketoriented reform: Capable people within the state system before 1998 tended not to buy houses, and if they did, their housing class status was actually lowered; capable people outside the state system before 1998 and all capable people after 1998 tended to buy houses, and if they didn’t, their housing class status slipped. That is to say, after 1998, the housing class status of those with human or political capital would rise only if they did purchase houses; if not, their housing class status would not improve significantly. Thus, the study concluded that the power and market mechanisms were the structural factors which influenced housing stratification, and that people’s human and political capitals were necessary but not sufficient conditions for house purchasing. To some extent, the judgment that “the higher a person’s human capital and/or political capital is, the higher his/her housing class status is” ignored the role of the person’s selfselection. Of course, the decision making of whether to purchase a house or not might be a very complex selective process. In order to study the selective function in the process indepth, dynamic data including the buyer’s purchasing behaviors and the end results in different social contexts are needed. Because of the flaws in the real estate market and system, residents’freedom to make purchasing decisions is quite limited. These constraints for the current study were beyond the author’s means to overcome. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Insurance against Uncertainty and Subjective Wellbeing of City Workers: Based on the Counterfactual Framework LI Hou-Jian Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 140-165.   Abstract （3296）      PDF（pc） （1303KB）（1455）       Knowledge map    Save With the central government paying more attention to livelihood issues, how to make people feel happy has become an important theme of governmental work. Against this background, this study used city workers’subjective happiness as an index of livelihood to systematically investigate the impacts of insurance against uncertainty on their subjective wellbeing. The existing literature about the important mechanisms of such insurances affecting people’s subjective wellbeing was first reviewed, and then their effects on city workers’subjective wellbeing were evaluated using the data from 2007 Chinese Household Income Survey. It was found that different types of insurances had significantly different effects on city workers’subjective wellbeing. Having pension insurance, unemployment insurance and injury insurance significantly improved city workers’subjective wellbeing, whereas participating in health insurance didn’t. The total variance of the city workers’subjective wellbeing that could be explained by the four kinds of insurances was 10 percent, with the unemployment insurance being the most important factor. According to the hedonic adaptation theory, city workers’subjective wellbeing will change, that is to say, with insurance against uncertainty being gradually promoted and implemented, the subjective wellbeing of the city workers may regress to their preinsurance level. If so, the government’s current effects to improve people’s livelihood via insurance policies are worthy of recognition, however, their returns in term of livelihood will be diminishing with the gradual popularization of the social security system. Thus, the government should pay attention to the quality of the longterm operation of the social security system. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(2)

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Gender Ideology, Modernization, and Women’s Housework Time in China YU Jia Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 166-192.   Abstract （8396）      PDF（pc） （758KB）（1952）       Knowledge map    Save Using the data from 2010 China Family Panel Studies, this study examined the determinants of married women’s housework time in China. Their time spent on paid work and their absolute earnings were found to be negatively associated with their time spent on domestic chores. This study also specifically examined the impact of women’s relative income on their time for housework. The literature in this regard indicated that, when women outearned their husbands, they tended not to reduce their housework time as their relative earnings increased, a phenomenon known as “gender display.” In other words, the wife’s bargaining power for housework with her relative income was constrained by the gender ideology. This study found that there were urbanrural and regional differences in the effect of the wife’s relative income on her housework time. The results indicated that increased relative income could help urban married women continuously reduce their housework time. However, for rural married women, the effect of relative income on reducing housework time is limited by their transitional gender ideology, and the “gender display” phenomenon existed. Linking the survey data to the prefecturelevel indicator of modernization, this study found that, in the rural areas, the effect of relative income on housework time varied with the level of modernization. Specially, the bargaining power of wife’s relative income in housework time was stronger when the rural areas were more modernized. In contrast, the bargaining power was more limited in rural areas with lower modernization level, and“gender display” was more likely to exist.  Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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The Impact of Social Health Insurance on Health Outcomes among Older Adults: An Empirical Study in Zhejiang Province, China LIU Xiaoting Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 193-214.   Abstract （2408）      PDF（pc） （858KB）（1209）       Knowledge map    Save  Debates about the relationships between health insurance, healthcare utilization and health outcomes in the empirical studies at home and abroad are not over yet. What has been empirically confirmed is the positive correlation between health insurance and healthcare utilization although direct associations between health insurance and health outcomes are not clear. Only when health insurance has the improvement of people’s health as its ultimate goal can it be said as being effective and fair. However, examining health outcomes is absent in the assessment of the current health insurance reform. The outcomes of statistical analyses of the data of 2010 Sampling Survey of the Status of the Elderly in Urban and Rural China  (Zhejiang Province) suggested that the sole concentration on expanding insurance coverage would not be enough. More importantly, attention should be given to the equality in healthcare and health outcomes across different insurance plans. A oneway ANOVA analysis demonstrated unequal disparities in participation in health insurance plans and health outcomes among the older adults. Multiple linear regressions showed the significance of health insurance coverage as an independent variable in predicting health outcomes but this significance was replaced by the significant effects of specific insurance plans.  Analyses of the interactions revealed a main negative relationship between healthcare utilization and health outcomes but health insurance, as a moderator, could improve the health status of the older adults who utilized healthcare more, although the effect of the New Rural Cooperative Medical System (NRCMS) was in the opposite direction. The mediating effects of health insurance on older adults’ health outcomes were a function of the individual and structural factors such as socioeconomic status and number of chronic diseases but social support and social networks should be included as influencing factors as well. This study has concluded that reflecting upon the health insurance reform is needed as the universal health insurance is not only to improve the accessibility to the service in the healthcare system but also to guarantee the equal medical welfare entitlement across different social groups, and ultimately, to obtain equal health outcomes. At present, however, NRCMS resulting from the differentiated treatment in different insurance plans and the vulnerability of the urban older adults with health insurance and those without in receiving healthcare benefits have led to their poorer health and their inferior status in terms of equal health outcomes. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(4)

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Statisticalization:An Alternative Dimension of Social Transformation: A Review of LIU Xin’s The Mirage of China ZHANG Qi Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 215-230.   Abstract （5724）      PDF（pc） （637KB）（864）       Knowledge map    Save Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Deviance and Art as a Label: An Interpretation of the Relationship Between Howard S. Becker’s Outsiders and Art Worlds from the Labeling Theory LU Wenchao Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (2): 231-242.   Abstract （7431）      PDF（pc） （634KB）（1167）       Knowledge map    Save Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Parents and Nature: A Genealogy of Western Matriarchal Thought (II) WU Fei Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 1-36.   Abstract （2462）      PDF（pc） （870KB）（942）       Knowledge map    Save After “The Myth of Matriarchy”, this part of the paper examines the intellectual origin of matriarchy. Among modern thinkers, Hobbes already discussed the main ideas of matriarchy. The state of nature in “Leviathan” reflected not only wars of all against all but also marriages of all with all. Hobbes clearly argued that the first human family might be headed by the mother and that because children could not identify their fathers, the motherson contract could be the first human contract. Matriarchy of the 19th century was nothing but another form of social contract from the theory of human nature and the theory of contract. Bachofen’s ideas of matriarchy followed the thinking of Hobbes’s and his interpretation that the mother represented nature whereas the father represented culture was exactly the philosophical basis for the matriarchal anthropologists even none had made an explicit statement. This thought can be traced back to Aristotle, who viewed man as a perfect human being but woman as an underdeveloped deformed man. In generation, the father provided form and the mother matter. The relationships between the two genders in both family and city were based on this philosophical principle. The understanding of gender relationships in Western traditional thinking originated from Aristotle’s theory of form and matter. With the development of Christianity, however, the gap between form and matter (or culture and nature) became bigger and bigger, and matriarchy was a result of this trend. Modern feminists have been trying in multiple ways to solve the problems of gender since Aristotle but only to get themselves into new dilemmas. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(1)

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Inter-Organizational Network Structure and Formation Mechanisms in Weibo Space: A Study of Environmental NGOs HUANG Ronggui, GUI Yong, SUN Xiaoyi Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 37-60.   Abstract （3003）      PDF（pc） （981KB）（1059）       Knowledge map    Save This study explores the structures of follower/identity networks among environmental nongovernment organizations on Sina Weibo by using social network analysis techniques, and unpacks the formation mechanisms of these networks by integrating the literature of interorganizational network, social movement coalition, Internet studies, and the institutions of social organization management in China. In particular, this study proposes an appropriateness principle to explain the effect of registration status on network structure. Descriptive network analyses show that close virtual relations exist among environmental NGOs, and reciprocal relations are prevalent. Results of exponential random graph models show that the formation of virtual relations is influenced by selforganization mechanisms, organizational resources, appropriateness principle (registration status), homophily principle (offline collaboration relations, geographical location, and focus areas) and activity levels of Weibo use. Organizational resources function as a “signal” on which users base their evaluation of the trustworthiness of the organization, and thus organizations with unknown funding are less likely to be followed or identified with. With regard to the organizations whose funding is known, those with lower levels of resources tend to use the Weibo platform more actively. Unregistered organizations tend to actively build relationship with others, while registered organizations tend to avoid establishing relationships with the unregistered. These findings highlight the importance of legitimacy and lend support to the appropriateness principle. Nongovernmental organizations which have offline collaboration relations or reside in the same province are more likely to form follower/identity relations, and those with similar focus areas are more likely to form identity relations. Activity of Weibo use also has a positive impact on the formation of interorganizational relations. Overall, findings of this study suggest that “low cost of internet use” alone does not provide a sufficient explanation of interorganizational relations on the cyberspace. The authors argue that on a highly interactive social media platform like Weibo, trustworthiness of an organization and its capacity to earn recognition from peer organizations plays a crucial role in the formation of interorganizational networks. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(7)

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“XiaQi” (Chivalry) and Mores：Social Transformation Brought about by Local Militarization during Taiping Rebellion HOU Jundan Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 61-91.   Abstract （2540）      PDF（pc） （1127KB）（1308）       Knowledge map    Save The impacts on social structure of the Late Imperial China were catastrophic during Taiping Rebellion. In addition to mutations in fiscal system, population and ownership of land, a major change made to the Imperial was the morality and mores, which predicated a new social condition. This change was mainly reflected in the violence in the local resistance to Taiping Rebellion, and was a result of the spread of “XiaQi” (chivalry), the ethical principle of the local military mobilization. “XiaQi” is a key conception to better our understandings of the ethical principle of the civil societies in Chinese history. At the end of Ming Dynasty, “XiaQi” transformed to an abstract spirit which could be discovered in any social stratum. Based on an exploration of local militarization in Wenzhou province in the mid 19th century, this research also discovers that “XiaQi” not only played a role as organization mechanism in local militarization, it also provided an inner foundation for the shape of a new society. “XiaQi” was a law of individual power leading to countless rebellions against the Imperial because of its opposition to the traditional orders in patriarchal system, rates in villages, the authority of Confucians and dependant relationships in the Imperial China. As a result, the law of power in “XiaQi” destroyed the hierarchical structure of the Imperial and produced a social equalization which rendered the traditional governance in crises. This also caused the coming of modern revolution which resulted in a series of social and political transformations and the collapse of the traditional governance. The constitutional reform in the late Imperial on the one hand meant a new power relationship between the central and the local governments, on the other showed a reconstruction of morality.  Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Institutional Segmentation and Housing Inequality in Urban China FANG Changchun Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 92-117.   Abstract （2469）      PDF（pc） （669KB）（920）       Knowledge map    Save Studies on early socialist societies found that ideological, political processes, especially the changes of national policies had effects on social inequality. Had the marketoriented reforms changed this mechanism of social inequality? With the subsidence of debates aroused by Victor Nee’s market transition theory, attention has been paid to the relationship between the mechanism of market and the mechanism of “redistribution”(or socialist institution) again, and the effects of institutional environment on social inequality have been highlighted too. This paper suggests that the current fixed forms of economy of China might have intensified social inequality due to the lack of a balance between “market” factors and “redistribution” power. Empirical analysis on housing inequality in this paper shows, today’s housing inequality in urban China has not only been caused by the market, but also by the housing allocation system before the housing reform, and the institutional segmentation can still be found in housing inequality. The empirical analysis suggests that institutional factors still have effects on social inequality, and at some point they can reinforce inequalities caused by the market. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(11)

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Theoretic Construction and Empirical Test of Multiple Sex Partners Behavior in Shanghai ZHUANG Yuxia Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 117-144.   Abstract （2429）      PDF（pc） （863KB）（1891）       Knowledge map    Save  From a gender perspective, using the data of sexual behavior and reproduction health in Shanghai in 2007-2008，this paper first finds out regarding multiple sex partners behavior, there are obvious differences across gender in terms of the characteristics of the sex partners, the process of finding sex partners and the situation of unprotected sex and prostitution. We then construct a theoretical model to explain the gendered differences and use the empirical data to test the model. Our Logistic regression finds out that apart from gender, four factors, including social standing (household registration status, income, education and occupation), family life (marriage, reproduction, time of living together and relative relationships), previous sex life (age of firsttime sexual intercourse, being engaged in premarital cohabitation or not, conjugal trust) and perceived gender norms, mainly contribute to one’s multiple sex partner behavior. This model therefore challenges the “physical needs” theory and offers more interesting findings, for example, one’s “capital operation” and situation enacting bigger influences than one’s social standing; and marital affection encounters a low after both twoyear and sevenyear of marriage; sexual transgressions are continuous; and gender norms affect one’s multiple sex partner behavior through their shaping effects within family and the society. In the end, we suggest that more attention should be paid to three related areas: firstly, sex satisfaction of migrant workers in urban China; secondly, the construction of a new partner or family relationship; and finally, the promotion of knowledge regarding sex and sexual safety. We also call for a reflection upon whether the sex revolution for women a real revolution or a new oppression. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Citizenship and Public Life Revisited: Based on the Confucian Views and Chinese Historical Experience YAO Zhongqiu Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 145-162.   Abstract （1736）      PDF（pc） （807KB）（807）       Knowledge map    Save Based on Chinese historic experience and Confucian ideas，this paper reflects upon the concepts of public life and citizen, which originate from Western experience. In both Western histories and theories, the basic carrier of public life was polis, or city, a smallscale political unit. China, however, has been a superscale civilization and political body since Emperor Yao and Emperor Shun, about B.C. 2000. This has made the patterns of public life and citizenship in China different from its western counterparts. During Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties, three characteristics featured public life and citizenship: multicentric units of public life; every person having varying degrees of publicity; and Junzi, as the most active citizen, owning multilayered identities and acting throughout hierarchical political systems. In the postclassical period, Confucian adherents were devoted to cultivate a nonhierarchical ShiJunzi (scholarJunzi) as the promoter, organizer and leader of public life, and build a series of effective institutions supporting public life. As a result, we can observe a picture of multilayered and multicentric public life and citizenship: Every people lived in more than one public communities, and had more than one citizenship identity generally, participating in public life on different levels; In every community, ShiJunzi or gentlemen worked as active citizens, differentiated themselves from Xiaoren, the inactive mass; ShiJunzi was the only group connected with all communities. This paper concludes that the conceptualization of public life and citizenship was situated in a Western context, and calls for the development of a universal concept of the terms which can accommodate both the case of China and the West.  Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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The Development and Crisis of Chinese Discourse on Publicity REN Feng Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 163-184.   Abstract （2497）      PDF（pc） （794KB）（745）       Knowledge map    Save  Charting the development and identifying the crisis of Chinese discourse on publicity, this article suggests that a proper research on Chinese discourse on publicity should be more based on observation of and reflection upon the internal dynamics of Chinese civilization and tradition, rather than mainly focusing on the influences of modern West. Laying its foundation on the HeavenHuman order and the threedynasty paradigm, the discourse on publicity and conception of publicity in China had arose and flourished since the Song Dynasty. The Chinese character Gonggong for publicity emphasizes practicality, and advocates for collective participation out of public spirits. Since its rise in early modern China, the discourse on publicity had played a part in advancing quasirepublican political model, the respect for established constitution and public laws, the popularity of public consensus and the prosperity of socially autonomous organizations. Later, the flourishing Heavenlyprinciple worldview greatly enhanced and deepened the theoretical quality of this discourse. In contemporary China, however, the discourse underwent a complicated transition which incurred a profound crisis. Heavily influenced by unprecedented radicalized culture and politics, contemporary modern Chinese discourse on publicity experienced a disruption from its traditional counterpart and became flattened and fragmentary. A prophetic and restless image of secularist and absolutist collectivity held and grasped Chinese public perception during waves of ideological struggles in the last century. As a result, the abovementioned discourse encountered its crisis which could be presented by the loss of transcendence and self understanding, the breakdown of established constitution and the decline of multiplecenter governance. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Dibao  and Debating Publicly in the Mid and Late Ming Dynasty REN Wenli Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 185-205.   Abstract （2122）      PDF（pc） （887KB）（850）       Knowledge map    Save Confucianism has the ideal of “Gonglun” (to debate publicly) or “Gong shifei yu tianxia” (to publicize the debates about national policies all over China), which had been realized, though in a limited way, in Chinese ancient history. One media to realize the ideal is Dibao (court bulletin), which could be traced back to the Song Dynasty and had been revived and reached its peak in the Ming Dynasty. This paper tests in the textual data the existence and importance of Dibao in the Ming Dynasty and argues that it had promoted the transparency of politics, especially in the mid and late Ming Dynasty. The contents of Dibao were imperial edicts and the memorials to the emperors from the scholarofficials, with the purpose to discuss national policies, under the permission of the emperors. During the mid and late Ming Dynasty, Dibao reached almost all counties of China, the lowest level of the imperial government, including remote counties in Guangdong, Guangxi and Yunnan Provinces, the farthest provinces from the central government. The debates were made available to all scholarofficials and they all could have a part in the debates. Moreover, Dibao played an important role in circulating those memorials held by the emperors without responding to the scholarofficials who sent them, a phenomenon called Liuzhong. This was especially the case during Wanli, one of the most inactive monarchies during Ming Dyansty. Dibao had its limit though: it was not available to all Chinese people but scholarofficials. Even the nonofficial students in official schools had no access to it. Despite this, the publicity mediated by Dibao could not be neglected.  Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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A Tentative “PoliticalEconomic” Approach to Studies of Religion in China: Reviewing Religion in China: Survival and Revival under Communist Rule ZHANG Wenjie Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 205-229.   Abstract （2980）      PDF（pc） （892KB）（1101）       Knowledge map    Save Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Crossing Limits and the Masses in Modern Public Life: Reviewing Ortega Gasset’s The Rebellion of the Masses XING Chaoguo Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (3): 230-240.   Abstract （9575）      PDF（pc） （647KB）（682）       Knowledge map    Save Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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SelfIdentity，Emotion, and Collective Action among the Second Generation of PeasantWorkers in China LU Huilin PUN Ngai Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 1-24.   Abstract （1815）      PDF（pc） （769KB）（1506）       Knowledge map    Save Abstract： As a result of opendoor policies and thirty years of Reform， China has become the “world’s factory” and given rise to a new working class comprised of rural migrant workers. Drawing upon a worker’s narrative and our ethnographic studies in Shenzhen and Dongguan， we focus on the selfidentities， anger， and collective action of the second generation of peasantworkers. The special path of (semi) proletarianization has created the working and living experiences of the second generation of peasantworkers in the cities and yielded their trauma， anger，and a deep sense of unfairness. The change of peasantworkers’identity politics has resulted in a significant change of their disposition and action capacities. Compared with the first generation of peasantworkers，the second generation of peasantworkers are much more sensitive to suffering and injustice. The anxiety and pain experienced by the first generation gradually evolve into the anger and resentment that has conditioned the labor strikes and class actions of the second generation. In this paper，we hope to shed light on how human emotion and suffering can contribute significantly to our understanding of collective resistance or class action. Driven by their anger and their sense of fairness，workers have fought against all types of discursive and structural constraints. And as new class subjects，the second generation of the working class now objects to the unfinished process of proletarianization，the racetothebottom globalproduction strategies，the uprooting experience of the city，and their quasi mingong identity. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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The Determinant Factors of Migrant Workers’ Social Identity: An Empirical Study in Shanghai CHU Rongwei XIONG Yihan ZOU Yi Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 25-48.   Abstract （1186）      PDF（pc） （669KB）（936）       Knowledge map    Save Based on a representative questionnaire survey among migrant workers in Shanghai, and employing acculturation and identity formation theories, this article examines the determinant factors which affect migrant workers’ social identity. The research finds out that the huge ruralurban gap has endowed migrant workers an ambiguous identity in which they physically live in city but mentally are identified with the country, and more importantly, their institutional welfares are confined to the country. The ambiguity of their social identity is attributed to both the institutional hurdle of the hukou (household registration) system and constrained agency caused by scare resources. At a more concrete level, this research suggests that five important factors have contributed to the formation of their social identity: proficiency in local language, willingness to make friends with local people (but not other migrant workers from other provinces), income level compared to peers, perceived social acceptance, and access to social insurances. Being positive for all five factors will make a migrant worker more identified with the city rather his/her rural origin. Meanwhile, migrant workers’ demographic features such as education, migrating time and occupation also influence their social identities. Overall, the authors suggest that public policies should be helpful in terms of the transformation of migrant workers’ social identity, particularly their perception changing from “being an outsider” to “being a local”. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Chinese Characteristics of the World Factory: Sociological Airscape of the State of Workers in the New Period GUO Yuhua HUANG Binhuan Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 49-66.   Abstract （1393）      PDF（pc） （692KB）（1113）       Knowledge map    Save As both a production and social matter, particularly a class matter, the topic of labor was important worldwide and became the focus of social science research and thinking which has given rise to a lot of classical theories. In this era of capital globalization, while the labor movement seems like a fading trend in all the major capitalist countries, Chinese workers pose unique stances: not only because of their huge numbers, but also because of their miserable living conditions, as well as the compelling forms of their struggles. The background of all these issues is the collusion between capital and power, which has been called “Chinese characteristics”. Facing labor issues in the new era, especially dealing with the “new generation of migrant workers”, the classical theories have encountered many challenges from “Chinese characteristics”. This paper aims to explore the relationship between the workingclass formation and the emergence of civil society, within the context of the specific institutional allocation and the transformation process in China. Drawing upon structuration theory, it pays special attention to structural forces such as political power, capital and labor, and their interactions. This study suggests that for Chinese workers, the basic citizenship rights are embodied in the implementation of working rights and also of the rights to organize. Therefore, the citizenship rights are the premise of the working-class formation in China, and the way out for working class lies in the fact that they become independent social forces. As a conclusion, the formation of the new working-class and the development of the civil society in China must be a simultaneous process. In other words, the labor movement itself is an important part of civil society building. And the process for Chinese workers to access full citizenship rights, namely the acquisition and protection of working rights—the basic citizenship rights, are fundamental for the solution of the conflicts between labor and capital, and also for the justice during the transformation. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(5)

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Social Capital and the Reproduction of Inequality: The Case of Income Differential between Rural Migrants and Urban Workers CHENG Cheng BIAN Yanjie Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 67-90.   Abstract （1407）      PDF（pc） （739KB）（908）       Knowledge map    Save In an attempt to see how and to what extent social capital affects income inequality, this paper explores the income differential between rural migrants and urban workers in contemporary China. The decomposition method is used to identify two ways through which social capital generate income gap between these two groups, including their differences in occupational attainment and those within occupational categories. Data from Jsnet 2009 reveal that the household registration system (hukou) and individual’s interaction with homogeneous group lead to migrants’ lack of accumulation of social capital relative to their urban counterparts, and their subsequent difficulties in getting jobs with higher pay, as well as their limited bargaining power at work. It is clear that it is the combined effects of two ways that make migrants earn less than urban workers. Therefore, social capital works as a micro mechanism which sustains and reinforces social inequality. The effects of social capital discussed above differ from those of human capital. The difference in human capital between migrants and urban workers lies in the urbanrural difference in the distribution of educational resources, which can be regarded as a result of state control. The case is different when we attempt to explain the social capital difference between migrants and urban workers, as it is an autonomous process, in which both groups of people form their own social networks initiatively. The household registration system, as a type of state control, not only causes the social inequality, but also reproduces social inequality due to its power to shape people’s interaction with others. Migrants, thus, are living in both formal and informal social exclusions. Accordingly, future policy should focus on stabilizing migrants’ jobs in cities, and making them embedded in urban social networks. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(65)

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Equal Distribution of Limited Chances: A Study of the Citizenship Shifts of Chinese Peasants’ Children LI Ding Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 91-118.   Abstract （1057）      PDF（pc） （1845KB）（743）       Knowledge map    Save This paper argues that social mobility and stratification of peasants’children can be a good indicator measuring social openness of China under a rapid industrialization and urbanization circumstance. In an urbanization framework, their social mobility can be operationalized as transition to nonagricultural occupations and change to urban household registration (hukou) holders. Peasants’children here include farmers, rural migrants and those who have changed their hukou type from rural to urban. They have similar original social backgrounds but are differentiated by occupations and household registration types. Based on national representative samples of this population, the paper tries to provide a more complete picture about the openness of Chinese society than conventional studies of occupational mobility based on city samples and labor studies on migrant workers did. CGSS data is used to describe the probability of occupational transition and citizenship transition of peasants’children in different periods and ages. It finds that the occupational transition pace is quite faster than the transition of citizenship. The probability for peasants’children to earn urban citizenship is stably low. The gap between occupational transition and citizenship transition is becoming larger and larger. It also finds that the traditional channels through which peasants’children can become registered urban citizens are becoming narrower. The rapid expansion of urbanization brings in new chances and channels. Based on these, several hypotheses about the changing of mobility mechanism are developed. The main one is that the distribution of citizenship transition chances is relatively fair and equal. These hypotheses then are tested by comparing the regression coefficients of factors influencing these transitions in different jobcohorts with CGSS data. It shows that the occupational transition is highly influenced by the family background. The effect of education is becoming smaller and smaller. Meanwhile, the distribution of limited citizenship transition chances is relatively fair. Education is always the main factor that differentiates the probability of citizenship transition. It concludes that the openness of Chinese society is a complex issue. It is quite open in terms of the Chinese peasants’ children’s opportunities to find a nonagricultural job. But the process is highly influenced by the family background and parents’social economic status, which is especially the case for getting good jobs. Meanwhile there are limited chances for peasants’children to change their citizenship type, but the distribution of the chance is relatively stable and fair. The speeding up of “citizenization of people” (changing their household registration type, giving them equal urban citizenship and public welfare) driven by the government of China will lead to expansion of citizenship transition chance, but the core of openness, fairness, is still a problem. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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Goodbye iSlave: Foxconn, Digital Capitalism, and Networked Labor Resistance QIU Jack Linchuan Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 119-137.   Abstract （3204）      PDF（pc） （876KB）（1742）       Knowledge map    Save What is the world factory like under the conditions of digital capitalism? How is it different from, and similar to, capitalist world-systems of the past? In this era of Internet and smart phones, can workers form their own networks and resist the logic of capital? From a global and long duré perspective, this article first reviews the “transAtlantic triangular trade” slavery system of the 17th century. It then examines a new triangular trade structure of 21stcentury slavery, of which Foxconn is a key component. Despite the four centuries in between, there are plenty of parallels between the two systems’ empirical specificities as well as their structural characteristics. A new solidarity system is then proposed to account for networked labor resistance. It is argued that such a retrospective exercise sheds new light on imaginations of future world systems, now rehistoricized; that new technologies sometimes bring social regression instead of progression; and that labor studies need to broaden its analytical scope to the world system, beyond individual enterprise, sector, and country, which is made imperative by conditions of digital capitalism fusing production and consumption, as can be seen most clearly in the cyberspace. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(4)

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Private Entrepreneurs and Political Development in China: Theoretical Imagination of Private Entrepreneurs in the Marketization as a Class and Its Reflection HUANG Dongya Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 138-164.   Abstract （1338）      PDF（pc） （805KB）（921）       Knowledge map    Save Private entrepreneurs play an invisible but more and more influential role in Chinese political life. Therefore, more studies on governmentbusiness relations become necessary for better understanding of the political development in contemporary China. With the theoretical presumption of “no bourgeoisie, no democracy”, existing researches explore whether there is an autonomous and opposite capitalist class in the process of market transition, and most of them conclude that the capitalist class in China is quite dependent on and colludes with the state because of their shared political values and interests as well as the political cooptation and corporatism of the Partystate. Some other studies reflect on these viewpoints and contend that it’s improper to consider the private entrepreneurs as a homogeneous social class with common interests and identity. The theoretical presumption of “no bourgeois, no democracy” is also questioned and modified. Based on these studies, the paper argues that the existing studies have had too much presumptions with the private entrepreneurs’ role in democratization process, either for it or against it, while neglecting the actual influences of the private entrepreneurs on policy making and implementation, individually or collectively. This, however, signifies great political change in contemporary China. Therefore, this paper suggests it is necessary to reflect on the existing theoretical presumption that in order to deepen our understanding of the relationship between Chinese government and private entrepreneurs. Furthermore, a possible turn in the studies on private entrepreneurs in China is from democratization approach to policy influence approach, as well as the change of focus from “autonomy” to “influence”. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0） Cited: Baidu(3)

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An Empirical Analysis of the Impact of Public Subsidies on Private Enterprise’s R&D Investment ZHU Bin LI Lulu Chinese Journal of Sociology    2014, 34 (4): 165-186.   Abstract （1049）      PDF（pc） （703KB）（521）       Knowledge map    Save As market failure exists, using public funding to support private R&D activities is a common practice in many countries. Many studies found out that public funding have a great influence on private R&D activities in terms of changing the private cost, expected return and risk of the R&D project. However, it is controversial to determine the direction of this influence—some studies suggest that public funding can stimulate private R&D, while others hold opposite opinions. The article emphasizes that the influence may vary by different firms. Based on the Private Enterprises data in China，the research uses Tobit model to analyzes the effect of public funding on private R&D. The results indicate that public subsidies can promote private enterprise’s R&D investment significantly. Meanwhile, this stimulating effect can also be affected by various firm characteristics such as entrepreneurship、firm size and institutional environment. Specifically, the stimulating effect is stronger in smaller firms, while the public funding has a negative effect on the R&D of firms whose owners have low education or more political connections. Furthermore, for the firms located in the regions with good institutional environment, mostly characterized by weak government intervention and strong legal quality，they would increase their total R&D expenditures after accepting the public R&D support. At the same time, the public funding may also cause crowdingout effect on firm’s R&D expenditures. Many subsidized firms may invest in other projects when their own R&D projects can be fully supported by the public funding, especially when they can hardly start new R&D project because of the restriction of resource like R&D personnel. Therefore，the paper gives some reasonable suggestions to use subsidy effectively. Firstly, the government needs to guarantee sufficient R&D subsidies continuously. Secondly, it is important to choose suitable firms, such as small firms and firms whose owners have high education, to ensure that the public funding can be used effectively. Finally, the government should also improve the institutional environment, like weakening government intervention and strengthening the protection of intellectual property rights. Reference | Related Articles | Metrics | Comments（0）

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